Watch them lead the dog’s tail.

I have two issues with this beyond the obvious fact that it involves an economic stimulus package that will only stimulate inflation, debt, and tax increases:

Senate Democratic leaders yesterday put off an expected showdown over an economic stimulus plan until next week, worrying that the absence of Sens. Hillary Rodham Clinton (D-N.Y.) and Barack Obama (D-Ill.) could doom efforts to force changes to the package fashioned by House leaders and President Bush.

“I still have two Democratic senators” on the campaign trail, Senate Majority Leader Harry M. Reid (D-Nev.) said. “Next Tuesday is Super Tuesday, and they’re both very busy, as is Senator [John] McCain. So I probably can’t get them back here until Monday, but I need them back.”

Point the first: They’re sitting United States Senators, being paid by the citizens of the United States for a job they are clearly ignoring. They are not being paid to campaign for their next job. If the economic stimulus package is so important and two Senators running for president can’t be bothered to put their paid job before their ambitions, they’re not people any sane person should want in a position of power.

(We may be getting a bonus that they’re derelict in their duty because the economic stimulus package is irrelevant to economic growth and a waste of future taxpayer money. That’s the rare positive unintended consequence from government and politicians. The cynic in me realizes the delay means more time to lard the final bill.)

Point the second: Senators Obama and Clinton have had years in office to be involved with important changes. They could’ve stepped up and sponsored a bill to end the noxious discrimination of “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell”. But Obama hasn’t. Clinton hasn’t. Why should I trust either to lead now?

While Obama’s answer is typical politician lying through omission, Clinton’s answer in the linked video is particularly repugnant. Does she honestly believe that the ability of a repeal to pass the approval of a Republican Congress and President matters to the validity of the underlying principle? The proper response to bigotry and ignorance is to expose them, not cower in their presence. Force the issue as many times as it takes. Pandering only demonstrates an unwillingness to lead in potentially uncomfortable situations.

Dereliction and pandering. It’s shameful that a major party can’t nominate anyone better than Tweedledum and Tweedledee.

All Your Problems Are Belong To Us

A sane person barely trusts politicians to perform their limited, legitimate duties. No sane person could possibly believe that expanding their power beyond that small scope is anything but a terrible idea.

With that in mind, Sen. Arlen Specter has a stunning belief in the government’s boundaries, even by politician standards. He wants an explanation from NFL Commissioner Roger Goodell on why the NFL destroyed the Spygate tapes.

“That requires an explanation,” Specter told The [New York] Times. “The NFL has a very preferred status in our country with their antitrust exemption. The American people are entitled to be sure about the integrity of the game. It’s analogous to the CIA destruction of tapes, or any time you have records destroyed.”

The destruction of tapes proving that a football team cheated against another football team is analogous to the government’s destruction of tapes proving that it tortures prisoners. I can’t possibly give that any further boost. Sen. Specter forced the fullest possible amount of grotesqueness into this conversation.

He went on to say:

“I don’t think you have to have a law broken to have a legitimate interest by the Congress on the integrity of the game … What if there was something on the tapes we might want to be subpoenaed, for example? You can’t destroy it. That would be obstruction of justice,” Specter said to The Times.

If violation of the law (even illegitimate laws) need not be the criteria, is it reasonable to assume that we’ll soon have an anti-tape destruction bill zipping through Congress to prevent Joe in Milwaukee from destroying his tapes of that night in Tijuana where he got just a wee bit tipsy and took pictures of himself giggling at the window displays advertising drugs that aren’t legally sold over the counter in the United States. I imagine such a bill would garner 97 votes¹ in the Senate and 434 votes² in the House, just as soon as the economic stimulus package passes.

Anyone else think this is grounds to remove Specter from office? He hasn’t broken any law, but he’s clearly not mentally capable of carrying out the duties of a United States Senator.

¹ Senators McCain, Obama, and Clinton are too busy to do their jobs vote.

² Ron Paul will vote against it, although he will stuff it full of pork for his constituents. But he’ll vote against it, so that makes it okay.

Look before you leap is wise. We leap without looking.

Former Senator Bob Graham has an essay in today’s Washington Post detailing “how to end the gridlock” in Washington, as if that’s a wise goal. It’s not, because bipartisanship is a four-letter word that involves more expenditures on bad ideas. (e.g. economic stimulus packages) Among other reasons, partisan gridlock gave us a balanced budget in the ’90s. If sole partisan control of the government in the ’00s can’t maintain that, I’m hard-pressed to understand how some bipartisan consensus will improve the situation. Anger can be good.

In the essay Graham offers more than I care to challenge here. I’d like to focus on one problem and one solution he identifies. First, the example:

Gas prices remain high, but we still have no real energy policy.

We have an energy policy. It’s part of our farm subsidies. Sure, gas prices remain “high” (a subjective term), but our food prices are now rising as a result of our current attempt at an energy policy. Aside from generic constitutional concerns over what our government involves itself in, the appearances of unintended, though certainly not unpredictable, consequences should give us pause before we add more grease to the government engine in an effort to get more done. I prefer reality-based analysis using evidence.

Next, one of his solutions:

The media must insist that future presidential debates each focus on a single issue. Candidates can hide behind sound bites when a debate covers every and all subjects. But when candidates must spend a full 90 minutes discussing health care or national defense, voters will learn who is for real and who isn’t.

It’s nice to think this might improve our situation, but it won’t. First, politicians are liars. Second, the electorate isn’t interested in calling politicians on their lies. See yesterday’s post. The majority of voters in America aren’t interested in details. They’re interested in the sales pitch. Whoever promises to make the United States government a larger vending machine for the voter’s chosen goods, while adding in a little bit of organized hatred for the voter’s preferred target of derision, wins that voter’s heart. It does not matter if the plan is wise or even feasible. It only matters that it’s promised.

Look at the adulation Sen. Obama is now getting. What was the last policy proposal he discussed in any detail approaching 90 seconds? When he spent his campaign offering proposals, his campaign was in the toilet. When he started relying more on concepts like hope and change, absent any details, his campaign soared¹. If he gets the nomination, then, maybe, voters will start kicking the tires on his proposals. If voters genuinely cared for specifics, they’d engage in their fact-finding when the field is larger. But they don’t. The only rational response is to limit what they can do with the government, not require them to be more detailed about the extensive list of what they’d like to do.

¹ I’m putting a simplistic touch on this for effect. It’s more complicated than my statement, but not materially, I think.

Every broadcast is indecent.

Free speech be damned darned:

The Federal Communications Commission has proposed a $1.4 million fine against 52 ABC Television Network stations over a 2003 broadcast of cop drama NYPD Blue.

The fine is for a scene where a boy surprises a woman as she prepares to take a shower. The scene depicted “multiple, close-up views” of the woman’s “nude buttocks” according to an agency order issued late Friday.

The FCC is only attempting to fine ABC stations in the Central and Mountain time zones because they aired the show before 10 p.m. Even that logic violates the First Amendment’s “Congress shall make no law”, but okay, fine, at least the FCC is following one rule limiting its reach. But allow me to play semantics for a moment.

The agency said the show was indecent because “it depicts sexual organs and excretory organs _ specifically an adult woman’s buttocks.”

Ahem:

Function of the skin

The skin has several important functions, including:

  • Waste disposal. The skin is a minor source of waste disposal. Sweat glands located in the skin excrete waste products such as urea (a byproduct of protein metabolism) therefore eliminating them from the body.

Every actor on television violates the letter of the law by revealing an excretory organ. And every athlete during the Super Bowl next Sunday will presumably cause Fox liability by sweating, thereby engaging in an excretory activity. I will be complaining.

I’m engaging in hyperbole, but I’m not joking.

In an obscene requirement, ABC defended the artistic merit of showing a woman’s buttock, generating this response:

“The law is simple,” FCC Commissioner Deborah Taylor Tate wrote in a statement yesterday. “If a broadcaster makes the decision to show indecent programming, it must air between the hours of 10 p.m. and 6 a.m. This is neither difficult to understand nor burdensome to implement.”

But it is an unconstitutional burden. Apparently “Congress shall make no law…” is difficult to understand. I’m not sure how, since it’s only five words, and only the first has more than one syllable. Perhaps that’s the trouble. Our leaders representatives do not understand the word Congress because it is too complicated. Idiots, every one of them.

Take joy until Congress and the FCC catch on. Any time you flip on your television, you’re being exposed to indecent material. Naughty, naughty.

Liberty has age and gender restrictions.

This will probably be long; please humor me. Also, there are many issues of custody that I’m ignoring. I’m specifically focusing on how the Oregon Supreme Court addressed male genital cutting (i.e. circumcision) in its decision. Lest you decide from my last entry that I’m happy with the outcome, I’ll spoil the conclusion now and tell you that I am not. The decision is terrible in its dismissal of the clear violation of forced circumcision. I predict that the boy will eventually be circumcised, regardless of his wish. If he says no, the court will decide that the custodial father retains the “right” to impose elective surgery.

With that, the Court’s opinion in detail:

We allowed mother’s petition for review and on de novo review we now conclude that the trial court erred in failing to determine whether M desired the circumcision as father contended or opposed the circumcision as mother alleged. (1) Because we view that finding as a necessary predicate to determining whether mother alleged a change in circumstance sufficient to trigger a custody hearing, we reverse the decisions of the Court of Appeals and the trial court and remand the case to the trial court.

This seems so fundamental that I question how the Oregon Supreme Court can be blind to the issues surrounding circumcision. Obviously the proposed patient should be consulted. Indeed, barring medical need, his decision is all that matters. As we’ll see in a moment, all other considerations are extraneous. (Again, I am ignoring the custodial questions here.)

In the normal course, religious and medical decisions such as the one in this case, are considered private family matters determined by the parents or between parents and child, without resort to the courts. Unfortunately, however, these parties cannot or will not resolve this matter without court intervention.

As I’ve written before, normal and common have different meanings. They are not synonyms. The Court is correct that we commonly misbehave this way, but that is not normal. Just like having a foreskin is normal, while being circumcised is common.

Oregon does not allow parents the decision to cut the genitals of their daughters for any reason other than medical need. They cannot claim a deity’s commandment. They cannot claim a potential benefit. Without medical need, the state applies an absolute prohibition. As our society is built on individual rights, proxy consent must have strict rational bounds. Non-medical elective surgery is outside those bounds. Gender is not a valid basis for distinction.

Father also argued that the court lacked authority to grant mother’s motions because (1) granting the motions would violate father’s freedom of religion under the religion clauses of the United States and Oregon constitutions; …

The First Amendment’s protection of religious freedom is an individual right. By practicing your religion on the body of another, you have negated his individual right through substitution. That violates the spirit and letter of our Constitution. Any claim to the contrary is a mistaken display of ego.

… (4) the circumcision was medically advisable independent of the religious reasons for it; …

Doubtful. I’ll explain more on this in a moment.

… and (5) although M’s wishes were “legally irrelevant,” …

A child does not possess the option to fully exercise his (her) rights while still a minor. That is a reasonable acknowledgement that minors do not possess the mental ability to comprehend their actions. That does not mean they are the property of their parents until reaching the age of majority.

We would not permit parents to surgically amputate a child’s finger without medical need. There is no valid distinction that the foreskin from the same protection given to the pinky. Or the labia and clitoris. The father’s claim here is absurd bordering on obscene. The Court should’ve rejected it.

[M’s urologist Dr.]Ellen also stated that there was evidence of “glandular adhesions” on M’s penis that should have disappeared by age three, and that that fact alone was cause for recommendation for the procedure.

Again, this is normal versus common. It is normal for the foreskin to adhere to the glans at birth. This adhesion commonly breaks by an early age, but it is possible for the adhesions to remain into the teen years. The presence of adhesions does not automatically indicate medical need, just as an absence of adhesions does not automatically indicate medical health.

As the boy ages, the presence of adhesions merely raises the question of whether penile functioning is being restricted. If he can urinate successfully and normal erections are not hindered, there is no reason to hurry nature. If he cannot urinate successfully and/or normal erections are hindered, that is medical need requiring intervention. (Such intervention does not automatically mean circumcision.)

It matters that this case began three years ago when M was 9. There is a difference between 9 and 12. Also, irregular readhesions will occur if the foreskin is forcibly separated from the glans before the adhesion naturally breaks. This is common among the children of parents who are ignorant of proper care of the normal (i.e. intact) penis.

Under no circumstances is it normal to break this adhesion at birth on a healthy foreskin and penis, as the bond must be forcibly broken to circumcise. The results can be bad, beyond the guarantee of scarring and loss of erogenous tissue.

Ellen averred that circumcision is a safe procedure, that there would be some minor discomfort for about three days that would not prevent M from carrying on normal activities, and that M’s circumcision would greatly reduce M’s risk of penile cancer and certain infections.

It is a safe procedure that causes injury to every male circumcised, as evidenced by the scarring, and occasionally leads to more serious complications, up to and including death. Who is the best judge of whether or not this inherent risk is acceptable in the complete absence of medical need?

The doctor’s statement that circumcision would cause minor discomfort and a short healing period should be noted. The actual post-operative constraints from adult circumcision are little different, contrary to the scare tactics generally offered as an excuse to push the surgery onto children. This doesn’t have a direct connection to this case, but Dr. Ellen is using standard arguments to treat a specific case, so it warrants mentioning.

Of course, no circumcision advocate’s argument would be complete without the grand reliance on potential benefits against extremely minor risks. Remember, too, that those risks are almost universally based on behavior (e.g. smoking, promiscuity, lack of hygiene) rather than anatomy.

We agree with the trial court that the authority of the custodial parent to make medical decisions for his or her child, including decisions involving elective procedures and decisions that may involve medical risks, is implicit in both our case law and Oregon statutes.

Once again, Oregon already has a statue to forbid parents from imposing genital cutting on their daughters for any of the reasons the Court accepts here for male children. That is wrong. It violates Section 1 of the Oregon Constitution:

Section 1. Natural rights inherent
in people.
We declare that all men, when they form a social compact are equal in right: …

I’m having trouble understanding any exception to that which excludes only the genitals of male minors. I don’t doubt that the law allows it, but where it does, the law is a ass.

Mother, joined by amicus curiae Doctors Opposing Circumcision (DOC), asserts that there is no more important decision to make for a male child than to require that the child undergo permanent modification to his body, and argues that an evidentiary hearing is required to find out whether M objects to the circumcision. She also contends that an evidentiary hearing is required so that she may present evidence regarding the harmful effects and permanent nature of circumcision. Indeed, mother and DOC assert that, because of the significant medical risks associated with circumcision, M should not be circumcised even if he states that he wants to undergo the procedure.

I agree with the last sentence, although I have written that I will not object in this individual case if M specifically wishes to be circumcised. But the primary logic in that paragraph is so fundamental that every lower court that ignored it should be ashamed. Individual rights, individual rights, individual rights, individual rights. This is not complicated. I’m not an attorney and I can grasp that. No individual is another’s property. It’s elementary, despite attempts to make it appear more complicated and nuanced. Male children are treated as such, but that does not make it legitimate. History will not be kind on our long dalliance with barbarism.

In response, father, joined by amicus curiae American Jewish Congress, American Jewish Committee, Anti-Defamation League, and Union of Orthodox Jewish Congregations of America (collectively, AJC), argues that the trial court did not need to hold an evidentiary hearing, because M’s attitude about whether he wants the circumcision is not legally significant. Father asserts that a child is not the decision-maker on such questions, any more than an infant who is circumcised. If the legislature had wanted a male child to have a say in whether he is circumcised, he contends, it could have adopted a statute to that effect, as it has done in other statutes such as ORS 109.610 (giving minors the right to consent to treatment for venereal disease without parental consent). Father also contends that the health risks associated with male circumcision are de minimus. In any case, father maintains that the affidavits he supplied to the trial court demonstrate that M does want to be circumcised.

Not legally significant. Again, what if a parent wanted to cut off a child’s finger? The child’s opinion would be legally significant then. There is no valid reason for an exception on the genitals of male children. It doesn’t matter if the child is 17 minutes or 17 years old.

The father is an attorney. I have no doubt he is aware of the law against female genital cutting. Firing up the Way Back machine to yesterday, the legislature’s silence on an issue is not the end of the discussion. Whenever the law and the constitution are in conflict, the constitution must wins. In other words, the law loses, legislatures be damned. Oversight does not grant legitimacy. The constitution guarantees equal protection. The law discriminates based on gender. The law is a ass.

For what it’s worth, I doubt the males who suffer complications from the inherent risks of circumcision do not consider them trivial. He can never guarantee that M will not suffer a complication. As such, we’re back to medical need. It is not necessary. Therefore, it is unacceptable to impose it. That is the only debate.

Finally, father and AJC argue that father has a constitutionally protected right to circumcise his son. They maintain that American Jews must be free to practice circumcision because it is and has been one of the most fundamental and sacred parts of the Jewish tradition. Father concludes that, if this court requires the trial court to hold an evidentiary hearing, we would usurp the role of the custodial parent and violate the First Amendment of the United States Constitution.

Lifting religious text above a constitution founded on principles of liberty is the way of theocracy. Worse, picking only the preferred requirements of a religious text is the worst possible intellectual dishonesty.

Slavery is in the Bible. We do not allow it. Polygamy is in the Bible. We do not allow it. Vigilante justice is in the Bible. We do not allow it.

And what of other religious texts? Do we start allowing any act that involves one person violating the rights of another, as long as it’s printed in an old book that many people value? Tradition, sacred or not, is a claim made when principles contradict the desired outcome.

We conclude that, although circumcision is an invasive medical procedure that results in permanent physical alteration of a body part and has attendant medical risks, the decision to have a male child circumcised for medical or religious reasons is one that is commonly and historically made by parents in the United States.

What kind of mental gymnastics must one engage in to marry the pre- and post-comma statements into one argument? Liberty demands that we stop at the comma when there is no medical need. Regardless of need, nothing after the comma is valid.

If, however, the trial court finds that M opposes the circumcision, it must then determine whether M’s opposition to the circumcision will affect father’s ability to properly care for M. And, if necessary, the trial court then can determine whether it is in M’s best interests to retain the existing custody arrangement, whether other conditions should be imposed on father’s continued custody of M, or change custody from father to mother.

The qualification here leads me to believe this victory will be pyrrhic. Sure, the court is acknowledging that someone should’ve asked the boy¹ for his opinion on what happens to his body. But it is not saying that the court must deny the father’s desire to circumcise his son. Even if the boy says he does not want his genitals surgically cut², the standard becomes whether or not forced genital cutting on the boy will impair the father’s ability to continue raising his son. The Court is actively embracing the stupidity that, if he doesn’t want it, he may still be treated like property. The Court considers permanent genital modification on a child no different in legitimacy than his father telling him he has to eat Brussels sprouts rather than chocolate. Our society is insane.

¹ His age is irrelevant. We can’t ask infants, but we should. Since they can’t give an answer, the only course of action is no action. Until he can ask for an “invasive medical procedure that results in permanent physical alteration of a body part and has attendant medical risks,” do nothing while he is healthy.

² Some argue that a hospital circumcision is invalid as a Jewish rite because the surgery must be performed by a mohel.

We’d better spend it well the first time.

What’s the definition of insanity?

“I can’t say that I’m totally pleased with the package, but I do know that it will help stimulate the economy. But if it does not, then there will be more to come,” Pelosi said.

I love that she knows it will help. Oh, but if it doesn’t, which it will, because she knows it will work, she’s going to do the exact same thing again. Because, in the evidence of failure, it will clearly work on the second try.

These are our “leaders”. How does anyone identify as anything other than a libertarian?

Teach financial skills.

Would you choose moral preening over substantive solutions? If so, here’s your example for today, courtesy of Michelle Singletary’s column in the Washington Post:

When you’re living on the edge financially, you cannot afford convenience fees that go along with instant money. That’s why I dislike Refund Anticipation Loans, or RALs.

A RAL is a short-term loan backed by a person’s tax refund. Tax-preparation companies count on desperate people trying to get their refund as quickly as they can. But there’s a price for that speed.

What galls me is that there’s little, if any, risk to the lender — yet the loans often carry high fees. The Consumer Federation of America and the National Consumer Law Center have found that RALs cost from about $30 to more than $125 in loan fees. Some tax preparers also charge a separate application or document preparation fee of about $40. The consumer groups say the effective annual interest rate for a RAL can range from about 40 percent to more than 500 percent.

This type of loan takes advantage of the very people — cash-strapped taxpayers (sic) — who can ill afford the costs.

And so on. Of course, it’s also possible to say that this type of loan offers an advantage to cash-strapped taxpayers, and getting a benefit generally requires a cost. We may deem the terms unfavorably lop-sided compared to what we would agree, but that does not mean they are “unfair”. As long as both parties involved agree that the terms are acceptable enough to enter the contractual agreement, they are acceptable.

That almost gets lost in the buildup to the key argument.

Although the appeal is that you get your money fast, you in fact marginally speed up the delivery of your refund cash. The turnaround on the loans can be a day or two. However, taxpayers who file returns electronically and opt for direct deposit can receive refunds in 10 days or less.

Logic is a powerful tool. I’m glad it’s finally unleashed here. But it’s strange that the article isn’t a plea targeted to the millions of Americans who receive a tax-refund, the potential customers for this service. Instead, a proposal:

I would like to see a ban on these loans. …

Of course. And concluding the essay with a rumination on the IRS proposal to regulate such loans:

The longer they take to restrict the marketing of this useless product, the more it costs the poor.

We have Ms. Singletary’s subjective assessment that these loans are “useless”. Her judgment is a better stand-in than the person who takes the loan. Thus always with central planners.

This is not to argue that I like these loans. I don’t. Nor am I arguing that I think poor Americans will make good choices when the terms of the loan are terrible. Income is not an indicator of intelligence, and circumstance can force decisions that involve choosing the lesser of two evils. But I believe that people who take these loans are taking them for a reason. I do not pretend to know what that reason might be, nor will I speculate or pass judgment. Still, it’s logical to accept that quick access to most of the money they’re owed is better than no quick access to any of the money they’re owed.

I will make a suggestion for an objectively better topic than calling for a ban on financial transactions between consenting adults. Tell poor Americans to stop being interest-free lenders to the United States government and start being taxpayers who pay only the taxes they owe.

If poor Americans do not pay the government money they do not owe throughout the year, they will have more money throughout the year to pay for whatever inevitably builds from a lack of those dollars. They are much less likely to need a solution such as a refund anticipation loan. Or they can save they money in an account that pays interest, spending it at tax-time if they must have the irrelevant visceral feel of a large lump sum amount. That’s stupid, of course, if there are creditors at the door who will charge interest and fees for debts not payed, but it’s smarter than lending that same money to the federal government without interest while those creditors are calling. And the money has the benefit of being available immediately, beating even the two days of the RAL.

Interest-free loans masquerading as tax refunds are the problem, not an imagined capitalist conspiracy to screw the desperate poor.

More tax refund thoughts here, here, here, and here.

Insert your own cheap Romney joke.

Via Jason Pye at The Liberty Papers, Mike Huckabee has a frightening understanding of how a secular, liberty-minded nation should use its government:

Using his selective reading and logic skills, I’ll suggest the 29th Amendment:

The Right of the Firstborn

15 If a man has two wives, and he loves one but not the other, and both bear him sons but the firstborn is the son of the wife he does not love, 16 when he wills his property to his sons, he must not give the rights of the firstborn to the son of the wife he loves in preference to his actual firstborn, the son of the wife he does not love. 17 He must acknowledge the son of his unloved wife as the firstborn by giving him a double share of all he has. That son is the first sign of his father’s strength. The right of the firstborn belongs to him.

Polygamy. Yeah, those’ll look good on us when viewed in hindsight by more heathen enlightened generations in the future. But, no worries. God’s law. Who are we to challenge that?

Mr. Pye makes the same argument I’ve made, that the United States people “are electing a President, not a pastor.” There is no place for this in our political landscape. He has the right to say it, of course, but the only valid response to him should be dismissive shunning of his earthly ambitions by every voter.

Professional juries would eliminate the slavery of jury duty.

I’ve been summonsed for jury duty. I am not thrilled.

Forget the inconvenience involved; let’s pretend that I would normally be indifferent to being on a jury. Consider the basic fact of what jury duty offers with respect to wages:

You will be paid an attendance fee of $40 for each day you report to the courthouse.

$40? For a full day of work? Hours of operation for the court are 8:30am-5:00pm. Assuming 30 minutes for lunch, that means the court will pay me $5 per hour. Federal minimum wage is $5.85 per hour. I do not have to agree with a minimum wage law to expect the United States government to honor that law. I will work no more than 6.8376 hours per day. Otherwise, I will sue the federal government.

My other option would be to ignore the summons and take the punishment:

The consequences of not reporting for jury service are severe. You could be escorted to the courthouse by a deputy U.S. marshal to explain to a judge why you did not report. You also could be fined up to $100 or imprisoned for up to three days or both.

At my normal income, it would be more economical for me to accept the full fine of $100 and three days in prison because it would leave me with the other seven days to earn income. Something is very clearly, very extensively broken in that system. Particularly:

Does my employer have to pay me while I serve?

No, but most private employers do pay employees during their jury service. Some pay employees in full, while others deduct your $40 daily juror pay from your regular wages.

I am my own employer. I can put a policy in place to pay myself while I’m absent, but that’s a fairy tale with no validity. There is no one else in my organization to compensate me in a socialist manner by subsidizing my absence. If I don’t work, I don’t get paid. So I’m back to deciding if it’s emotionally worth suffering criminal charges to significantly protect my economic well-being. Something is very clearly, very extensively broken in that system. I’m not buying claims of duty:

In our democratic system, there is no more valuable service a citizen can perform than to be a juror.

In our constitutional system, there is no more valuable concept than recognizing that forcing an individual to work at a job he does not want, for pay that is below even the minimum rate the government mandates for all other employers, with a specific requirement on how he must present himself for evaluation, is a violation of that constitutional system. It is illegitimate to violate my rights to liberty in order to grant another American his right to a trial by jury. Exercising my right to vote can not be morally wrapped in an obligation to submit to temporary slavery.

Being a juror should be a profession, with market wages and the liberty to enter and leave the occupation within mutually agreed contractual terms.

The public knows best. It doesn’t need facts.

I don’t support the death penalty. I think it’s immoral, but I also do not believe that any government process is capable of 100% certainty in its justice system. The possibility of executing one innocent individual more than outweighs any alleged benefit from using capital punishment. I’m uninterested in utilitarian claims about the value of individual rights.

It’s clear that many death penalty advocates value it for its ability to achieve retribution. People we execute are barbarians who deserve it. When made honestly, I can appreciate that sentiment even though I’m not willing to be a barbarian myself. I’m only bothered when advocates pretend that state-sanctioned murder is not barbaric.

The current case before the Supreme Court, Baze v. Rees, is the perfect example of this. From the New York Times:

When the Supreme Court hears arguments on Monday in Baze v. Rees, the Kentucky case that has led to a de facto national moratorium on executions, it will mostly be concerned with the question of what standard courts must use to assess the constitutionality of execution methods under the Eighth Amendment, which bars cruel and unusual punishment.

But beyond that is the more practical question of why all 36 states that use lethal injections to execute condemned inmates are wedded to a cumbersome combination of three chemicals.

The answer, experts say, seems to be that no state wants to make the first move. Having proceeded in lock step to adopt the current method, which was chosen in part because it differed from the one used on animals and masked the involuntary movements associated with death, state governments would prefer that someone else, possibly the courts, change the formula first.

Self-denial is very powerful. As long as we appear to treat people better – by treating them differently – than animals, nothing terrible is happening. As long as we don’t see involuntary movements, nothing terrible is happening. We’re being compassionate for barbarians who deserve nothing good from us. I can’t be excited by this because it’s dishonest.

I like this better:

“The departments of correction are dug in,” said Deborah W. Denno, an authority on methods of execution at the Fordham University Law School. “There’s safety in numbers. But if one state breaks from that, the safety in numbers starts to crumble.”

“If you change,” Professor Denno continued, “you’re admitting there was something wrong with the prior method. All those people you were executing, you could have been doing it in a better, more humane way.”

Some experts on executions say the debate over which chemicals to use is the wrong one. States have adopted a process that appears humane because it looks like medical treatment, Professor Denno said. But looks can be deceiving, she added.

“To me,” Professor Denno said, “the firing squad is the most humane and perceived to be the most brutal.”

If we’re going to have capital punishment, we need to remember that the Constitutional protection against cruel and unusual punishment protects the individual right of the accused/convicted. It does not protect the accuser from having to feel bad. And as long as innocents may be condemned, which they will, we must follow principles, not fantasies of that vengeance can achieve for the victims of heinous crimes.

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On a tangent, to what else might we reasonably apply Professor Denno’s logic? If you change, you admit there was something wrong with what was done in the past? A process that appears humane because it looks like medical treatment? The human mind is very good at self-denial, but apparently quite unimaginative at wrapping it in unique packages.